Speech of The Day (25): At the 25th Anniversary of the U.N.

At the 25^th Anniversary of the U.N.

It took two world wars and enormous sacrifice of human life and property before man, once again, returned to sanity when the founding fathers of the United Nations entered into a solemn written pledge to live in peace amongst themselves, and actively cooperate one with another.

Mr. President,

Distinguished Leaders and,

Representatives of the World Community:

Throughout the history of man, there often appear to be periods when the worst and the best products of man’s resourceful genius have been precariously poised, vying with each other or in mere juxtaposition. There have also been occasions when the better part of human nature has turned the scale in favour of man’s constructive wisdom, to the benefit of mankind at large. The emergence of the United Nations out of the havoc of the Second World War impresses me personally as being one such phenomenon.

As we are assembled here today for the purpose of observing the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, I believe it is proper that we should focus our thoughts on the constants of human nature and the historical circumstances surrounding the birth and growth of this organization. And I say this for a variety of reasons.

In recent times it has been broadly suggested that the United Nations is undergoing a crisis of confidence; that, judged by its performance so far, its ability to cope with the manifold problems of the world we live in is progressively on the wane; that some provisions of the Charter have become anachronistic; that, as a result of the combination of a variety of factors and the exacting challenges of our time, the United Nations has failed pathetically to achieve the purpose of the Charter and thus, has almost forfeited its right to exist.

Pessimistic though they may seem, these allegations are prompted in the main, not only by a deeply-felt concern for the imperfection of what is basically a human institution, but even more, by anxiety for the very survival of mankind, its accumulated civilization, and its uncertain destiny. Nor could there be a more fitting moment than this unique gathering to pause and ponder on basic issues such as those I have just mentioned.

The very fact that we are assembled here today on an historic occasion without precedent in the annals of our times, is a credit to the United Nations. Consider, for instance, the fate of the League of Nations whose death knell was sounded while it was still in its formative years. It fell ingloriously after its first real test at a time when it could have done well by the scrupulous application of the provisions of its Covenant.

In contrast, the United Nations, whose Silver Jubilee we are assembled here to celebrate, has reached maturity through a life span of a generation. And since longevity in itself, unredeemed by genuine achievement. Is a barren and sterile thing, it is gratifying to note that this is not so, as far as the United Nations is concerned.

True, the attainment of the noble purposes of the Charter remains elusive in practice. The success so far recorded by the United Nations, when set against its existence in time, fall far short of the vision of its founding fathers; its successes fall far short also of the hopes the vast majority of peace-loving peoples everywhere continue to place in it as the supreme instrument of peace, justice and progress for all mankind.

Yet, during the past twenty-five years, the achievements of the United Nations, particularly in the socio-economic filed, and it salutary effect on the process of decolonization are, on the balance, to its credit.. And although the same cannot be said of its efforts in handling the major political problems which still grip the world community, the role the organization has played as a peace-keeping force is surely instructive and worthwhile.

In this connection, it should be noted that the armed conflicts of the past twenty-five years have not led to the carnage of 1935-1945. I am not suggesting that the armed conflicts of these later years are inconsiderable, or that the lives lost and resources wasted should be ignored. What I am implying is that given the technology of modern warfare, we must be prayerfully thankful that we have had more than one opportunity to redirect our energies to more useful service for mankind. By giving us this opportunity and making us realize the choice between extinction and survival, I believe the United Nations has played a vital role. If on no other count, this alone justifies its existence and our devotion to it.

And in those instances where the organization has failed, the situation obviously reflects the reluctance on the part of the international community to promote the effective realization of the aims and purposes of the Charter. Thos of us who have a sad recollection of the crippled inaction of the League of Nations at the moment of its most acid test are compelled to view the predicaments of the United Nations with the gravest concern and apprehension, and surely, the need to reduce and eventually eliminate such predicaments should steel our hearts and minds, and spur us on to greater effort as responsible members of the international community.

I have already alluded to the fact that the emergence and development of any human institution, whether national or international, cannot be seriously considered, nor properly appreciated, if the interplay of forces and circumstances which brought it about is left out of the reckoning. Concisely stated, the United Nations, like any other institution, is essentially a product of its time. Its Charter was conceived and drafted by people who were not at liberty to indulge in futile exercises divorced from reality. Theirs was a task to prepare a document of aims and purposes at once acceptable in theory and applicable in practice. That task was completed when, after intricate negotiations and inevitable compromises, the Charter was duly signed at San Francisco in 1945. Its provisions are in themselves a living testimony to the foresight and wisdom of its authors.

It took two world wars and enormous sacrifice of human life and property before man, once again, returned to sanity when the founding fathers of the United Nations entered into a solemn written pledge to live in peace amongst themselves, and actively cooperate one with another.

Like the Covenant of the League of Nations which preceded it, the Charter of the United Nations was based on certain fundamental assumptions, the first of which was that the signatory States would discharge their obligations under the Charter in all good faith, was precisely this assumption. While the motives of the Covenant and the Charter are not in doubt, it is clear that the conduct of the members of the respective organizations is directly responsible for the premature liquidation of the League, and the continuing predicaments of the United Nations.

Nor should this sound curious or incomprehensible, for it is a fact that people often prove to be the undoing of their own most constructive actions. Abundant proof is furnished by the ambivalent traits in human nature and the lack of consistency of the conduct of international relations.

I consider my presence here today as a link between the past and the present. When in 1936, my ancient country, after a gallant resistance against the unprovoked aggressor, fell prey to its remorseless enemy, it became my painful duty, as Emperor of Ethiopia, to appear before the League of Nations to appeal for help for my suffering people. Over and above the fate of a nation brutally invaded, I also pleaded at that time the cause of the more fundamental issues of international morality and collective security. Though the ideas I enunciated then were by no means novel, it happened that both my appearance before the League, as leader of a nation, and my pronouncements were without precedent.

Twenty-seven years later, I also had the opportunity to address the Twentieth Session of this august organ of the United Nations, and share my preoccupations concerning this Organization and the world situation in general.

Today, as I stand once more in this hall, I find myself unhappy about the world situation and the state of this Organization. Even as I speak here now, in Asia and the Middle East men are either locked in mortal combat, or are dug in trenches, ready to unleash the full fury of modern weaponry on the adversary, upon the slightest move or pretext. Racialism and bigotry continue to oppress and degrade millions of my fellow Africans in their own fatherland. The ever widening economic gap between the affluent and the developing societies on our planet continue unimpeded.

In the area of general and complete disarmament, although some progress has been made which we all have acclaimed as shoeing signs of a breakthrough, it still remains true that we live not only with the danger of a nuclear conflict hanging over us, but are also helpless witnesses of the wanton waste of world resources which could otherwise be used to improve the lot of men everywhere. It is therefore the bounden duty of all leaders and all peoples to concern themselves with this problem until an appropriate solution is found.

The Conference of the Non-Aligned States and the Seventh Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity were a success, because they were both dedicated to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, and particularly to the cause of Africans in Southern Africa who find themselves, through no fault of their own, serfs in their own land. It is my conviction that if the United nations is to survive as an institution worthy of the respect of peoples throughout the world, it must redouble its efforts to free the colonial peoples from subjugation. I strongly believe that this Commemorative Session cannot do less than rekindle the flame of liberty in these oppressed peoples by adopting a declaration of war against their oppressors. I believe the United Nations should do more! I believe it should extend material assistance to them just as the Organization of African Unity does, until the colonial and racial systems in Southern Africa are brought to an end. We must not fear that such action would break the United Nations for the intent in Southern Africa is an alliance of minorities. On the contrary, as the overwhelming majority of the family of nations represented here are against this unholy alliance, the States concerned cannot in any way affect our Organization.

Of one thing we can be sure: that the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter are basically sound and relevant – as sound and relevant today as they were twenty-five years ago; that the problems faced in translating those principles into reality are not, therefore, inherent in the Charter; that as has already been proved by experience, the Charter itself is amenable to adaptation as the need arises; that, above all, it is in the interest of the strong no less than the weak nations that this Organization should survive. Otherwise, this pilgrimage to New York City of so many leaders of the International community, at this juncture of human history, would indeed be meaningless and void.

And if, as I believe, we are assembled here today because we consider the United Nations a vital organization both for our own time and the future, the question arises whether we have the will, the courage and the determination to make it more effective, more worthy of the ideals and principles of its Charter. Are we willing to inject fresh vigour into its role as the custodian of world peace and security, and the catalyst of differences which arise amongst nations? Are we prepared to strengthen and consolidate its machinery for the protection of human rights and the promotion of the economic and social well-being of peoples through-out the world? In sum, have we the courage and determination to back this organization with unselfish and unstinted support in all its efforts towards the full realization of the aims and purposes of this Charter?

The greater effectiveness of the United Nations and the enhancement of its image must ultimately depend on the answers we give to these questions. And to my mind, the quality and size of the attendance at this ceremonial session are partial answers to the questions I have posed. On this unique session and the positive action we take through frank consultation and concerted measures depend the future of this Organization, the well-being of mankind and, perhaps, the very survival of the human race and its civilization accumulated through the ages.

Never in history have so many leaders of diverse nations assembled in one place, at the same time, for a purpose so simple yet so vital and for a need so common yet so distinctive. The common need is our collective survival in peace, justice, equality, mutual respect, and material abundance for all, including the world’s under-privileged. Our purpose in converging upon this hall from distant places, therefore, could scarcely have been merely to attend a ceremonial function. We must have come here to endeavour also to seek in concert ways and means as to how best to strengthen this Organization for the realization of our collective need. This is indeed a moment of supreme challenge, an immense opportunity. Having by bitter experience learnt the lesson taught by the collapse of the League of Nations, we can neither afford to shirk the challenge nor fail to seize the opportunity to act and, if need be, to sacrifice.

I am anxious and apprehensive about each one of these situations, because each carries the germs of a wider conflict and conflagration; and if left uncorrected and unremedied, each is capable of driving the world to the very dangers which all of us believe instinctively must be avoided. With a little more courage, determination and the will to act before it is too late, we shall be capable of finding solutions to these and other pressing problems.

In this regard I am deeply concerned that the untimely death of President Nasser may have an adverse effect on the search for peace in the Middle East. I trust that the efforts made in the search for peace in the Middle East will continue until a lasting peace is established in accordance with the decision of the Security Council of November 22, 1967.

An example of the type of situation I refer to is the danger to air transportation, one of the really great achievements of the human mind, enabling us to surmount the barrier of distance which for centuries had hindered contact between peoples. Today, we observe with agony the many acts of unlawful interference to which air travel has been subjected in recent times. Sabotage and hijacking of civil aircraft, unless halted immediately, will not only jeopardize the lives of passengers and crew, but will also affect the very fabric of international society. In view of this grave peril, the world community should, as a matter of urgency, take concerted measures to guarantee the safety and freedom of international civil travel.

Of no less concern is the state of this Organization: its chronic financial problems, the paralysis of its peace-keeping machinery; its progressive relegation to the unenviable role of a peripheral spectator on a number of crucial matters, namely, disarmament and the grave conflicts in the Middle East and South East Asia.

If the United Nations is to be restored to the central position which it was designed to occupy in the maintenance of world peace and security, and in the promotion of the general well-being of mankind, the situation I have just mentioned should receive urgent attention. It was to this end that member States of the Organization of African Unity and the Non-Aligned Nations closed their ranks in their unequivocal support of the United Nations at their recent summit conferences held, respectively, in Addis Ababa and Lusaka.

I believe we are all convinced that the United Nations can discharge its responsibility for peace-keeping if measures are adopted to avoid a conflict of authority among its organs and also to make it mandatory for all Member States to share in the expenses of its peace-keeping efforts, without resorting to devious ways. I believe it to be in the interest of all States to exert themselves to the full in this area, for only when these twin problems are solved can we truly say that we have anything even remotely approaching a collective security system.

To help solve all these problems, the United Nations must encourage, as does the Charter, the growth of regional institutions for, only when it is supported by the peoples of the world in this manner, will it be able to discharge its obligation as envisaged in the Charter. Witness the struggle and success of the OAU in finding solutions to many problems facing Africa which would otherwise come to these halls. I believe that strong regional institutions devoted to the furtherance of the cause of peace are indispensable to the United Nations: they help contain local conflicts and thereby lessen international tension. A case in point is the Nigerian civil war whose impact on Africa was successfully contained by the Organization of African Unity.

In terms of the well-being of mankind, it is my conviction that the United Nations should play a more vigorous role than ever before. It is trite to observe that unless the riches of the world are somehow made to reach the peoples of the developing countries, the consequences to mankind will be quite as catastrophic as the results of a nuclear conflict. Surely, it is not beyond human ingenuity to correct this appalling situation by instituting measures which would enable the developing countries to attain a more tolerable standard of life for their peoples.

In the maintenance of international peace and security, in securing an agreement on general and complete disarmament, and in reaching a peaceful settlement of the grave conflicts in the Middle East and South East Asia, I am convinced that the presence of the representatives of the Peoples Republic of China in these halls is indispensable. The absence of the representatives of such a great country, and such an industrious people impresses me as one of those mistakes which men are wont to commit hardly suspecting their possible consequences. We therefore urge this Assembly to abandon this course and to do justice to the great people of China.

The choice of this age and the very future of humanity is simple: collective survival, or collective extinction. When the stark choice is thus revealed in all its naked horror, dare we hesitate as to our choice? The choice we know; the means we can rediscover in a reinvigorated and mature United Nations. The will to act, and the courage and determination to implement the decisions we must take, matter. Let this session by the re-birth of the United Nations, and the re-affirmation of our faith in the ever-continuing validity of the purposes and principles for which it was established. A grave responsibility rests upon us: to ensure our own collective survival, and the future of unborn generations.

May the Almighty grant us the wisdom, courage and determination to rise to this supreme challenge and reap a rich reward!

October 24, 1970

Important Utterances of H.I.M. Emperor Haile Selassie I - page 514 -

Berhane Alem